Assimilation violation and spoken-language processing: a supplementary report

Previous studies have shown that spoken-language processing is inhibited by violation of obligatory regressive assimilation. Weber (2001) replicated this inhibitory effect in a phoneme-monitoring study examining regressive place assimilation of nasals, but found facilitation for violation of progressive assimilation. German listeners detected the velar fricative [x] more quickly when fricative assimilation was violated (e.g., see text) than when no violation occurred (e.g., [baxt] or [see text]). It was argued that a combination of two factors caused facilitation: (1) progressive assimilation creates different restrictions for the monitoring target than regressive assimilation does, and (2) the sequences violating assimilation (e.g., *[ix]) are novel for German listeners and therefore facilitate fricative detection (novel popout). The present study tested progressive assimilation violation in non-novel sequences using the palatal fricative [ç]. Stimuli either violated fricative assimilation (e.g., *[see text]) or did not (e.g., [see text]). This manipulation does not create novel sequences: sequences like *[see text] can occur across word boundaries. while *[ix] cannot. No facilitation was found. However, violation also did not significantly inhibit processing. The results confirm that facilitation depends on the combination of progressive assimilation with novelty of the sequence.