The privileged status of locality in consonant harmony

While the vast majority of linguistic processes apply locally, consonant harmony appears to be an exception. In this phonological process, consonants share the same value of a phonological feature, such as secondary place of articulation. In sibilant harmony, [s] and [ʃ] ('sh') alternate such that if a word contains the sound [ʃ], all [s] sounds become [ʃ]. This can apply locally as a first-order or non-locally as a second-order pattern. In the first-order case, no consonants intervene between the two sibilants (e.g., [pisasu], [piʃaʃu]). In second-order case, a consonant may intervene (e.g., [sipasu], [ʃipaʃu]). The fact that there are languages that allow second-order non-local agreement of consonant features has led some to question whether locality constraints apply to consonant harmony. This paper presents the results from two artificial grammar learning experiments that demonstrate the privileged role of locality constraints, even in patterns that allow second-order non-local interactions. In Experiment 1, we show that learners do not extend first-order non-local relationships in consonant harmony to second-order nonlocal relationships. In Experiment 2, we show that learners will extend a consonant harmony pattern with second-order long distance relationships to a consonant harmony with first-order long distance relationships. Because second-order non-local application implies first-order non-local application, but first-order non-local application does not imply second-order non-local application, we establish that local constraints are privileged even in consonant harmony.