These lemons are sour: Investigating the influence of demonstrative determiners on the N400 complex

Demonstrative determiners create a joint focus of attention of speaker and hearer on a particular set of entities in a given context. Despite their omnipresence, very little is known with regard to the online integration of demonstrative determiners during comprehension. Here we investigated whether the N400 reflects meaning differences introduced by determiners. We analyzed whether previously established differences - between correct, contingent, world-knowledge and semantic violations in bare plural generic sentences - were modified by the addition of demonstrative determiners. Off-line ratings suggested that the correct sentences in the generic version (e.g. Zebras are stripy) become less sensible when adding a demonstrative determiner (e.g. These zebras are stripy). In contrast, contingent sentences - that is, sentences with predicates that are true for a subgroup of exemplars but not for all - become more sensible than correct sentences if a demonstrative determiner is added (e.g. These trousers are stripy). Both semantic and world-knowledge violations slightly improve in sensibility if demonstrative determiners are added (These ladybirds/journeys are stripy). None of these differences was reflected in the N400 amplitude. Instead, the previous findings using the bare plural generic sentences were fully replicated, showing largest N400 amplitudes for semantic violations, followed by contingent and world-knowledge violations and finally the correct sentences. This suggests that demonstrative determiners are not automatically integrated during meaning comprehension. Implications with respect to the processes that are reflected in the N400 will be discussed.