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Social psychologists have documented that feeling good about ourselves and maintaining positive self-esteem is a powerful motivator of human behavior (Tavris & Aronson, 2008). In the United States, members of the predominant culture typically think very highly of themselves and view themselves as good people who are above average on many desirable traits (Ehrlinger, Gilovich, & Ross, 2005). Often, our behavior, attitudes, and beliefs are affected when we experience a threat to our...
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Self-esteem, a central component of psychological well-being, is actively maintained through various cognitive and behavioral strategies. Individuals employ specific mechanisms to preserve a positive self-concept and mitigate threats to their self-worth, particularly in contexts involving social evaluation or personal feedback. Four primary techniques are commonly used to sustain self-esteem.Manipulating AppraisalsOne prominent strategy involves manipulating appraisals from others. Individuals...
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Self-verification is a fundamental psychological drive wherein individuals seek affirmation of their self-concept from others, striving for consistency between their internal self-view and external perceptions. This drive operates even when the self-concept is negative, influencing interpersonal behavior and feedback preferences in complex and often counterintuitive ways. Unlike the self-enhancement motive, which seeks positive evaluations, self-verification prioritizes coherence and...
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The Self-Evaluation Maintenance (SEM) model offers a psychological framework to understand how individuals’ self-esteem is influenced by the achievements of others, particularly those with whom they share close personal bonds. The SEM model operates when personal rather than social identity guides individuals. Central to this model is the notion that individuals have an inherent desire to preserve a favorable self-image, which is continuously shaped by interpersonal comparisons and...
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According to Charles Cooley, we base our image on what we think other people see (Cooley 1902). We imagine how we must appear to others, then react to this speculation. We don certain clothes, prepare our hair in a particular manner, wear makeup, use cologne, and the like—all with the notion that our presentation of ourselves is going to affect how others perceive us. We expect a certain reaction, and, if lucky, we get the one we desire and feel good about it. But more than that, Cooley...
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One influential perspective on what motivates people's behavior is detailed in Tory Higgin's self-discrepancy theory (Higgins, 1987). He proposed that people hold disagreeing internal representations of themselves that lead to different emotional states.  
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Christian self-enhancement.

Jochen E Gebauer1, Constantine Sedikides2, Alexandra Schrade3

  • 1Mannheim Centre for European Social Research, University of Mannheim.

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology
|February 17, 2017
PubMed
Summary
This summary is machine-generated.

Christian self-enhancement is evident, even in faith-central domains. This research demonstrates the self-centrality principle is universal and resistant to religious norms, challenging the idea that Christianity quiets the ego.

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Area of Science:

  • Psychology
  • Social Psychology
  • Religious Studies

Background:

  • The self-centrality principle suggests people overestimate themselves in self-concept-central domains.
  • The universality of this principle is debated, with some arguing religious norms, like those in Christianity, may curb self-enhancement.

Purpose of the Study:

  • To investigate the self-centrality principle among Christians and examine if Christian self-effacement norms influence self-enhancement.
  • To determine if Christianity quiets the ego or if the self-centrality principle is universal and resistant to normative pressure.

Main Methods:

  • Three sets of studies (total N = 5,853) operationalized self-enhancement across various domains (faith, communion, agency) using measures like better-than-average perceptions, knowledge overclaiming, and grandiose narcissism.
  • Participants included Christians and nonbelievers across countries with varying religiosity levels.

Main Results:

  • Consistent evidence for Christian self-enhancement was found, particularly in domains central to the Christian self-concept.
  • Christians showed stronger self-enhancement than nonbelievers in faith and communion domains.
  • Self-enhancement was comparable between Christians and nonbelievers in the agency domain.

Conclusions:

  • Christianity does not quiet the ego; instead, Christians exhibit self-enhancement in self-central domains.
  • The self-centrality principle appears resistant to normative pressure, universal, and rooted in human nature.
  • Findings challenge the notion that religious self-effacement norms can universally modify self-enhancement tendencies.