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Processing Relative Clause Extractions in Swedish
Damon Tutunjian1, Fredrik Heinat2, Eva Klingvall1
1Centre for Languages and Literature, Lund University, Lund, Sweden.
Swedish extraction from relative clauses (RCE) may not be a deep variation. Eyetracking data suggest RCEs behave like weak islands, supporting surface variation accounts for apparent exceptions in Swedish syntax.
Area of Science:
- Linguistics
- Psycholinguistics
- Syntax
Background:
- Extraction from relative clauses (RCE) is typically a strong island violation in many languages.
- Swedish allegedly permits RCE, posing a challenge to universal island constraints.
- Existing surface accounts for Swedish RCE have been insufficient.
Purpose of the Study:
- To investigate the processing of Swedish extraction from relative clauses (RCE) using eyetracking.
- To determine if Swedish RCE processing aligns with strong island violations or other syntactic structures.
- To test whether apparent exceptions to island constraints in Swedish reflect deep or surface variation.
Main Methods:
- Eyetracking while reading was employed to measure processing difficulty.
- Experiment 1 compared RCE with licit that-clause extraction (TCE) and illicit non-restrictive relative clause extraction (NRCE).
- Experiment 2 compared RCE with extraction from a subject NP island (SRCE), manipulating plausibility.
Main Results:
- RCE showed early integration patterns similar to TCE but intermediate total durations between TCE and NRCE.
- RCE processing was sensitive to plausibility at early integration points, unlike SRCE.
- Structural facilitation was observed for RCE compared to SRCE.
Conclusions:
- The processing profile of Swedish RCE is compatible with weak island extractions.
- The findings support a surface variation account for the lack of strong island effects in Swedish RCE.
- Swedish RCE may represent a case of weak islandhood rather than a true exception to island constraints.
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