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Scalar implicature, the inference that "some" means "not all," depends on speaker knowledge. This effect lessens when speakers use number words, suggesting context influences meaning interpretation.

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Area of Science:

  • Psycholinguistics
  • Cognitive Science
  • Semantics

Background:

  • The quantifier "some" often triggers a scalar implicature, implying "not all."
  • Previous models suggest this implicature is sensitive to speaker knowledgeability.
  • Goodman and Stuhlmüller (G&S) proposed a model and provided supporting evidence.

Purpose of the Study:

  • To extend the G&S model to predict effects of numeral alternatives on scalar implicature.
  • To investigate how speaker knowledge and word usage influence the "some" implies "not all" inference.

Main Methods:

  • Developed an extended computational model based on G&S's work.
  • Conducted four preregistered behavioral experiments to test model predictions.
  • Manipulated speaker knowledge and the availability of numeral alternatives.

Main Results:

  • Replicated G&S's finding: speaker knowledge significantly affects scalar implicature strength.
  • Demonstrated that the tendency of speakers to use number words reduces the knowledgeability effect.
  • Partial speaker knowledge combined with numeral word usage increases the "some" implies "not all" inference.

Conclusions:

  • The extended model accurately predicts both knowledgeability and numeral alternative effects.
  • Contextual factors, specifically speaker word choice, influence the set of alternatives considered by comprehenders.
  • Findings have significant implications for theories of meaning and pragmatic inference.