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Directional syncretism without directional rules.

Johannes Hein1, Andrew Murphy2

  • 1Institut für deutsche Sprache und Linguistik, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Unter den Linden 6, 10177 Berlin, Germany.

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Summary
This summary is machine-generated.

This study demonstrates that bidirectional syncretism patterns can be explained without directional rules. The findings support a revised view of impoverishment in Distributed Morphology, resolving challenges posed by syncretism.

Keywords:
Bidirectional syncretismDirectional syncretismDistributed MorphologyImpoverishmentMarkednessSyncretism

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Area of Science:

  • Linguistics
  • Morphology
  • Phonology

Background:

  • Directional syncretism, particularly bidirectional, has been argued to require directional rules.
  • This poses a challenge to Distributed Morphology's (DM) approach to syncretism, which posits a retreat to less marked exponents.

Purpose of the Study:

  • To demonstrate that bidirectional syncretism does not necessitate directional rules.
  • To show that apparent counterexamples to DM's syncretism theory can be explained.
  • To maintain the claim that syncretism universally decreases markedness.

Main Methods:

  • Analyzing patterns of directional and bidirectional syncretism.
  • Proposing an extended view of impoverishment in Distributed Morphology.
  • Re-evaluating the definition of markedness in relation to syncretism.

Main Results:

  • Bidirectional syncretism can be accounted for without directional rules.
  • Impoverishment can result in either feature deletion or insertion of contextually unmarked values.
  • This resolves challenges to the Distributed Morphology approach to syncretism.

Conclusions:

  • The proposed view of impoverishment adequately handles bidirectional syncretism.
  • Syncretism can be universally markedness decreasing when markedness is defined over insertion contexts.