Semantic operations in aphasic comprehension: implications for the cortical organization of language

We provide data on the neurological basis of two semantic operations at the sentence level: aspectual coercion and complement coercion. These operations are characterized by being purely semantic in nature; that is, they lack morphosyntactic reflections. Yet, the operations are mandatory (i.e., they are indispensable for the semantic well formedness of a sentence). Results indicate that, whereas Broca's patients have little or no trouble understanding sentences requiring these operations (performance was above chance for all conditions), Wernicke's patients performed at normal-like levels only for sentences that did not require these operations. These findings suggest that sentence-level semantic operations rely very specifically on the integrity of the cortical area associated with Wernicke's aphasia, but not on the region corresponding to Broca's aphasia. In the context of other findings from lesion and imaging studies, this evidence allows a view of the cortical distribution of language capacity that is drawn along a linguistic line, one which distinguishes syntactic from semantic operations.