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Combined Invasive Subcortical and Non-invasive Surface Neurophysiological Recordings for the Assessment of Cognitive and Emotional Functions in Humans

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Electrophysiological correlates of complement coercion.

Gina R Kuperberg¹, Arim Choi, Neil Cohn

¹Departmentof Psychology, Tufts University, 490 Boston Ave., Medford, MA 02155, USA. kuperber@nmr.mgh.harvard.edu

Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience

|August 26, 2009

Summary

Complement coercion in sentences triggers an N400 brainwave effect, similar to animacy violations. This suggests semantic mismatches between verbs and nouns, with later brain activity possibly indicating retrieval difficulties.

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Area of Science:

Psycholinguistics
Cognitive Neuroscience
Computational Linguistics

Background:

Understanding how the brain processes sentence meaning is crucial.
Complement coercion presents a unique linguistic challenge, testing semantic integration.
Previous research has explored semantic violations, but coercion specifics remain under investigation.

Purpose of the Study:

To investigate the electrophysiological correlates of complement coercion.
To differentiate brain responses to coerced versus animacy-violated sentences.
To examine the role of semantic argument structure in sentence comprehension.

Main Methods:

Event-related potentials (ERPs) were recorded from participants.
Participants judged the acceptability of coerced, non-coerced, and animacy-violated sentences.
Analysis focused on N400 and P600 effects in response to complement nouns and sentence-final words.

Main Results:

Coerced nouns elicited an N400 effect, similar to animacy-violated nouns, indicating semantic mismatch.
Animacy-violated nouns also evoked a P600 effect, potentially due to implausibility judgments.
Coerced sentences showed a late sustained positivity, suggesting delayed event retrieval.

Conclusions:

The N400 reflects semantic integration failures between verb restrictions and noun properties.
Distinct ERP components (N400, P600, late positivity) differentiate types of semantic and syntactic processing.
Findings support models of distinct verb representation for semantic and syntactic argument structures.