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Effects of subject-case marking on agreement processing: ERP evidence from Basque
Wing-Yee Chow1, Andrew Nevins2, Manuel Carreiras3
1Research Department of Linguistics, Division of Psychology and Language Sciences, University College London, London, UK; BCBL, Basque Center on Cognition, Brain and Language, Donostia-San Sebastian, Spain.
Brain responses to agreement violations in Basque reveal distinct processing for different subject types. This suggests unique neurocognitive mechanisms for absolutive versus ergative subjects in language comprehension.
Area of Science:
- Psycholinguistics
- Neuroscience
- Linguistic Typology
Background:
- Comprehenders are sensitive to agreement violations across languages.
- Basque, a verb-final ergative language, exhibits both subject-verb (SV) and object-verb (OV) agreement.
- Existing theories propose that true agreement in Basque primarily involves absolutive subjects.
Purpose of the Study:
- To investigate the neurocognitive processing of subject-verb agreement violations in Basque.
- To compare the event-related brain potentials (ERPs) associated with agreement violations in transitive versus intransitive sentences.
- To determine if different subject cases (ergative vs. absolutive) elicit distinct neural responses.
Main Methods:
- Examined event-related brain potentials (ERPs) in participants comprehending Basque sentences.
- Compared ERPs elicited by subject-verb agreement violations in transitive (ergative subject, OV agreement) and intransitive (absolutive subject, no OV agreement) sentences.
- Analyzed specific ERP components, including the P600 and early posterior negativity (EPN).
Main Results:
- A P600 effect was observed for agreement violations in both transitive and intransitive sentences.
- An early posterior negativity (EPN) was uniquely elicited by violations involving intransitive (absolutive) subjects.
- Transitive subject (ergative) violations did not elicit the EPN, despite the presence of OV agreement.
Conclusions:
- Distinct neurocognitive mechanisms underlie the processing of agreement with ergative versus absolutive subjects in Basque.
- The early posterior negativity (EPN) may serve as an electrophysiological signature for true agreement, primarily associated with absolutive subjects.
- Findings support theoretical proposals differentiating agreement processing based on subject case marking in ergative languages.
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